A Guangzhou-based think tank suggests establishing an administrative committee led by the central government and joined by the three local governments for the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area development.The unique situation in the bay area, which includes two political systems, and three different legal currency and customs systems, calls for the central government to fill an important role in the region's development, said Chen Guanghan, deputy dean of the Institute of Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao Development Studies of Sun Yat-sen University.A cooperative mechanism among the government, the corporate sector and the society is necessary, with the relationship of the government and the market in synergizing regional development to be properly addressed, Chen said. In support, he cited a development report on the bay area issued by his institute on Monday.The role of the market in distributing regional resources should be supported, with the free flow of productive factors in the region and rational industrial division to be promoted, he said.Due to differences in the systems in Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao with a coordinating procedure yet to be fully developed, further coordination and cooperation have met impediments.The adjustment in the administrative procedure has become an urgent issue, which means employing multigovernance instead of merely making decisions on individual issues, said Liu Yungang, a professor at Sun Yat-sen University's School of Geography and Planning.He suggested such a multigovernance body to be located in the Nansha Area of Guangdong Pilot Free Trade Zone, which lies at the center of the bay area.Consisting of nine cities in the Pearl River Delta in Guangdong province, Hong Kong and Macao, it is the world's fourth major bay area following those around New York, San Francisco and Tokyo, with the highest per capita GDP among three Chinese city clusters. The plan for the bay area is expected to be issued later this year.Chen's institute also suggests an international business environment be built in the bay area, with greater and mutually benefiting infrastructure connectivity, higher innovation capacity, a more diversified and synergized industrial system, and quality living space.The institute also issued a sustainable development index for the cities in the bay area and a case study report on Hong Kong and Macao youths' entrepreneurial efforts on the Chinese mainland.Compared with their predecessors, the Hong Kong and Macao youths who have started their business on the Chinese mainland hold higher academic backgrounds, are engaged in sectors with higher technology and provide products and services with higher added value, said Zhang Guangnan, assistant dean of the institute.They have been attracted by the world manufacturers and world market advantage of the Chinese mainland and bank on their international networks.On their challenges, Zhang said the policy support from the local governments should be better communicated and more tailor-made to facilitate entrepreneurship of Hong Kong and Macao youths on the mainland.? festival braceletsbat fidget spinnersilicone rubber bandsblack rubber wristbandsmake rubber braceletsrubber bracelet maker
File photo shows Seoungju residents chant slogans during a protest against the government's decision on deploying a US THAAD anti-missile defense unit in Seongju, in Seoul, South Korea, July 21, 2016. The banner reads Desperately oppose deploying THAAD. [Photo/Agencies] Even though the Republic of Korea's presidential election is just one day away, the candidates are still debating security matters rather than economic recovery and employment, because the winner will have the tough job of dealing with the security jigsaw on the Korean Peninsula. The US' Terminal High Altitude Area Defense anti-missile system, according to claims, is operational to a large extent. And the likelihood of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea conducting its sixth nuclear test remains high as the United States threatens to relinquish strategic patience. Seoul needs deft diplomatic maneuverings, not some defensive weapons, to safeguard national security. The ROK's economic prospects don't look good either. The reform proposed by impeached and ousted president Park Geun-hye did little to break the plutocracy, which is still thwarting economic growth. In other words, the paradox that a government requires enough votes as well as financial support to run a country might keep haunting the new ROK administration. The ROK presidential election is being held not only prematurely but also amid fears that a regional conflict could break out at any moment. That THAAD may be combat ready very soon will leave the new ROK president little room to take immediate strategic decisions. In fact, Moon Jae-in of the Minjoo Party, the frontrunner in the presidential race had stressed that the final decision on THAAD should be left to the next government. The Park administration's decision that THAAD can better counter the threat from Pyongyang (and the interim administration's ratification of the move) will make it difficult for the new ROK president to take a different course on national security. Instead of testing its ballistic missiles, Pyongyang held its largest ever live artillery drill on April 25 to mark the 85th anniversary of the founding of its army. That said, Seoul will be simplifying the complex security and diplomatic issues if it places its faith in THAAD and its military alliance with Washington for safeguarding its national security. The paramount security risk facing the ROK is the DPRK's nuclear program, whose longevity has a lot to do with the mixed defense structure in Northeast Asia. Rather than working closely with China, an important party to the global denuclearization efforts, the ROK chose to depend on its military alliance with the US and Japan for its national security. US President Donald Trump has said that he wants a diplomatic resolution to the Korean Peninsula issue despite warning of a major, major conflict with the DPRK. In this context, the ROK could help resolve the disputes surrounding the DPRK nuclear issue. Peaceful handling of the nuclear issue is at the core of the interests of both Seoul and Beijing, and the Chinese Foreign Ministry has reiterated China's strong opposition to the DPRK's nuclear and missile tests. The new ROK president may have an unenviable job on hand, with the country's security and diplomatic situation approaching a turning point. There is hope, though, because strategic patience and delicate maneuverings have not yet exhausted. In this regard, concerted efforts to resume the Kaesong Industrial Complex in the DPRK's border town, restart the tours to the DPRK's Mount Kumgang resort, and recalibrate China-ROK relations would be more than worth the trouble. The author is an associate professor at the School of International and Public Affairs, Jilin University.
